TomBen’s Web Excursions
左手墨迹分享的是蒋廷黻 1938 年所著的《中国近代史》,中华书局 2019 年再版的 增订本。 我下载了《中国近代史》这本书的 10 个版本: 1938-藝文研究會.pdf 1939-藝文研究會-再版.pdf 1939-青年書店.pdf 1959-啓明書店.pdf 1996-东方出版社.pdf 1999-岳麓书社.pdf 1999-上海古籍出版社.pdf 2004-上海古籍出版社.pdf 2006-世纪出版集团.pdf 2016-中华书局.pdf 浏览之后,我发现只有二十世纪三十年代出版的 3 本书的内容是完整的。以「第七节…
蒋廷黻-中国近代史.zip
204.3 MB
蒋廷黻所著《中国近代史》的 10 个版本。
US Intelligence Shows Flawed China Missiles Led Xi Jinping to Purge Military - Bloomberg
The US assessments cited several examples of the impact of graft, including missiles filled with water instead of fuel and vast fields of missile silos in western China with lids that don’t function in a way that would allow the missiles to launch effectively.
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-01-06/us-intelligence-shows-flawed-china-missiles-led-xi-jinping-to-purge-military
The US assessments cited several examples of the impact of graft, including missiles filled with water instead of fuel and vast fields of missile silos in western China with lids that don’t function in a way that would allow the missiles to launch effectively.
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-01-06/us-intelligence-shows-flawed-china-missiles-led-xi-jinping-to-purge-military
Bloomberg.com
US Intelligence Shows Flawed China Missiles Led Xi to Purge Army
US intelligence indicates that President Xi Jinping’s sweeping military purge came after it emerged that widespread corruption undermined his efforts to modernize the armed forces and raised questions about China’s ability to fight a war, according to people…
TomBen’s Web Excursions
1949 年国民党内战失败后,大批人口从中国大陆逃往台湾。前往台湾的「外省人」流离失所,与亲人四散分离,或者分隔海峡两岸。五十年代初期,台湾的报纸上刊登了很多「寻人启事」或「征义父母」之类的告示,读来让人唏嘘不已。 图一出自:Yang, Dominic Meng-Hsuan. 2020. The Great Exodus from China: Trauma, Memory, and Identity in Modern Taiwan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.…
杨孟轩:历史创伤、记忆与台湾认同 - 不明白播客 EP-080
https://www.bumingbai.net/2024/01/ep-080-yang-mengxuan/
楊孟軒, 蔡耀緯 譯. 2023. 逃離中國:現代臺灣的創傷、記憶與認同, 臺北: 國立臺灣大學出版中心.
https://www.bumingbai.net/2024/01/ep-080-yang-mengxuan/
楊孟軒, 蔡耀緯 譯. 2023. 逃離中國:現代臺灣的創傷、記憶與認同, 臺北: 國立臺灣大學出版中心.
Forwarded from 心灵魔法站
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計程車司機眼中的台灣大選
Taiwan Election Part One: The Taiwan Election Through the Eyes of a Taxi Driver
13:45
我们上次有去过上海、北京看,大陆好像建设得很好呢,回来看台湾觉得真的是很没落,我们都是旧的,人家都是新的。
20:15
你们那边(大陆)在做事,就好比以前我们老蒋在的时候,说这样做就这样做都不会,都不会有第二个说法。后来你看看,台湾越来越讲究民主的时候就越来越不一样,抗议、抗议,这个也抗议,那个也抗议,什么都不用动了。
20:52
老蒋时代那多有威严。以前老蒋只要他经过的地方,我永远记得,那时候我还小才十来岁吧,他经过的地方窗户绝对都要关起来。但这个好吗,真的好吗?我跟你讲,各有利弊,专制有专制的好,民主有民主的好,可是要看用在什么地方上才对。
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-s4_gnaR6gw
Taiwan Election Part One: The Taiwan Election Through the Eyes of a Taxi Driver
13:45
我们上次有去过上海、北京看,大陆好像建设得很好呢,回来看台湾觉得真的是很没落,我们都是旧的,人家都是新的。
20:15
你们那边(大陆)在做事,就好比以前我们老蒋在的时候,说这样做就这样做都不会,都不会有第二个说法。后来你看看,台湾越来越讲究民主的时候就越来越不一样,抗议、抗议,这个也抗议,那个也抗议,什么都不用动了。
20:52
老蒋时代那多有威严。以前老蒋只要他经过的地方,我永远记得,那时候我还小才十来岁吧,他经过的地方窗户绝对都要关起来。但这个好吗,真的好吗?我跟你讲,各有利弊,专制有专制的好,民主有民主的好,可是要看用在什么地方上才对。
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-s4_gnaR6gw
YouTube
王局带你看台湾大选之一:计程车司机眼中的台湾大选。|台湾总统大选|柯文哲|赖清德|侯友宜|民进党|国民党|民众党|
成为此频道的会员即可获享以下福利:
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCBKDRq35-L8xev4O7ZqBeLg/join
距离台湾总统大选投票日还有不到一周的时间,王局只身前往台北报道此次选举,刚一出机场,他就遇到了一位有趣的计程车司机。这位中年的大姐也成为了王局第一位采访对象。
#王志安 #台湾总统大选 #柯文哲 #赖清德 #侯友宜 #民进党 #国民党 #民众党
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCBKDRq35-L8xev4O7ZqBeLg/join
距离台湾总统大选投票日还有不到一周的时间,王局只身前往台北报道此次选举,刚一出机场,他就遇到了一位有趣的计程车司机。这位中年的大姐也成为了王局第一位采访对象。
#王志安 #台湾总统大选 #柯文哲 #赖清德 #侯友宜 #民进党 #国民党 #民众党
Do Chinese Citizens Conceal Opposition to the CCP in Surveys? Evidence from Two Experiments
Most public opinion research in China uses direct questions to measure support for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and government policies. These direct question surveys routinely find that over 90 per cent of Chinese citizens support the government. From this, scholars conclude that the CCP enjoys genuine legitimacy. In this paper, we present results from two survey experiments in contemporary China that make clear that citizens conceal their opposition to the CCP for fear of repression. When respondents are asked directly, we find, like other scholars, approval ratings for the CCP that exceed 90 per cent. When respondents are asked in the form of list experiments, which confer a greater sense of anonymity, CCP support hovers between 50 per cent and 70 per cent. This represents an upper bound, however, since list experiments may not fully mitigate incentives for preference falsification. The list experiments also suggest that fear of government repression discourages some 40 per cent of Chinese citizens from participating in anti-regime protests. Most broadly, this paper suggests that scholars should stop using direct question surveys to measure political opinions in China.
大部分在中国进行的民意调查都采用直接提问的方式来衡量民众对中共 (中国共产党) 及政府政策的支持度。这些直接提问式调查通常发现,中国公民对政府的支持率超过 90%。因此,学者们推断中共享有真正的合法性。本文介绍了我们在当代中国进行的两项调查实验的结果。这些结果清楚表明中国公民会因为害怕受到政府打压而隐藏自己对中共的反对。当我们像其他学者一样采用直接提问式调查时,发现民众对中共的支持率超过了 90%。但当我们采取更有匿名感的列举实验方式进行调查时,发现其支持率只介于 50% 至 70% 之间。不过,这已是上限,因为列举实验可能无法完全消除伪装偏好的动机。我们的两项列举实验还表明,大约 40% 的中国公民因害怕政府打压而不愿参加任何反政权抗议活动。本文广泛建议学者们不要再用直接提问式调查来衡量中国公民的政治观点。
Carter, Erin Baggott, Brett L. Carter, and Stephen Schick. 2024. “Do Chinese Citizens Conceal Opposition to the CCP in Surveys? Evidence from Two Experiments.” The China Quarterly. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741023001819.
Most public opinion research in China uses direct questions to measure support for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and government policies. These direct question surveys routinely find that over 90 per cent of Chinese citizens support the government. From this, scholars conclude that the CCP enjoys genuine legitimacy. In this paper, we present results from two survey experiments in contemporary China that make clear that citizens conceal their opposition to the CCP for fear of repression. When respondents are asked directly, we find, like other scholars, approval ratings for the CCP that exceed 90 per cent. When respondents are asked in the form of list experiments, which confer a greater sense of anonymity, CCP support hovers between 50 per cent and 70 per cent. This represents an upper bound, however, since list experiments may not fully mitigate incentives for preference falsification. The list experiments also suggest that fear of government repression discourages some 40 per cent of Chinese citizens from participating in anti-regime protests. Most broadly, this paper suggests that scholars should stop using direct question surveys to measure political opinions in China.
大部分在中国进行的民意调查都采用直接提问的方式来衡量民众对中共 (中国共产党) 及政府政策的支持度。这些直接提问式调查通常发现,中国公民对政府的支持率超过 90%。因此,学者们推断中共享有真正的合法性。本文介绍了我们在当代中国进行的两项调查实验的结果。这些结果清楚表明中国公民会因为害怕受到政府打压而隐藏自己对中共的反对。当我们像其他学者一样采用直接提问式调查时,发现民众对中共的支持率超过了 90%。但当我们采取更有匿名感的列举实验方式进行调查时,发现其支持率只介于 50% 至 70% 之间。不过,这已是上限,因为列举实验可能无法完全消除伪装偏好的动机。我们的两项列举实验还表明,大约 40% 的中国公民因害怕政府打压而不愿参加任何反政权抗议活动。本文广泛建议学者们不要再用直接提问式调查来衡量中国公民的政治观点。
Carter, Erin Baggott, Brett L. Carter, and Stephen Schick. 2024. “Do Chinese Citizens Conceal Opposition to the CCP in Surveys? Evidence from Two Experiments.” The China Quarterly. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741023001819.
Cambridge Core
Do Chinese Citizens Conceal Opposition to the CCP in Surveys? Evidence from Two Experiments | The China Quarterly | Cambridge Core
Do Chinese Citizens Conceal Opposition to the CCP in Surveys? Evidence from Two Experiments - Volume 259
The Roundtable of Decolonizing Chinese History on The Historical Journal
Tam, Gina Anne. 2024. “Introduction: Why ‘Decolonizing Chinese History?’” The Historical Journal 67 (1): 148–50. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X23000365.
Tam, Gina Anne. 2024. “Introduction: Why ‘Decolonizing Chinese History?’” The Historical Journal 67 (1): 148–50. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X23000365.
Cambridge Core
Introduction: Why ‘Decolonizing Chinese History?’ | The Historical Journal | Cambridge Core
Introduction: Why ‘Decolonizing Chinese History?’ - Volume 67 Issue 1
Forwarded from 竹新社
1月13日的中华民国总统和立法委员选举,赖清德萧美琴(民进党)获558万6019票当选总统副总统。侯友宜赵少康(国民党)获467万1021票,柯文哲吴欣盈(民众党)获369万0466票。
全国不分区政党票:民进党得票36.16%,国民党得票34.58%,民众党得票22.07%。时代力量得票2.57%,失去席位(需多于5%)政党补助款(3%)但保住了直接参选下届不分区(2%)和捐款抵税(1%)资格。其余政党得票均低于1%。
区域和原住民立委:民进党38席,国民党41席(计入两名无党籍*)。其余政党无人胜选。县市分布为:(朝-野)
台北市3-5、新北市6-6、桃园市0-6、台中市2-6、台南市6-0、高雄市8-0;基隆市1-0、新竹市0-1、新竹县0-2、苗栗县0-2、彰化县3-1、南投县0-2、云林县1-1、嘉义市1-0、嘉义县2-0、屏东县2-0,宜兰县1-0、花莲县0-1、台东县0-1;澎湖县1-0、金门县0-1、连江县0-1,平地原住民1-2、山地原住民1-2。
加上按政党票分配(民进13、国民13、民众8)的不分区立委,最终国会席位为:国民党52席+2无党籍、民进党51席、民众党8席,呈“三党不过半”“朝小野大”局面。
(中央选举委员会,区域立委分布图:公视)
*苗栗县陈超明(涉SOGO贪污案上诉中,停止国民党籍)山地原住民高金素梅(在国会参加国民党团)
全国不分区政党票:民进党得票36.16%,国民党得票34.58%,民众党得票22.07%。时代力量得票2.57%,失去席位(需多于5%)政党补助款(3%)但保住了直接参选下届不分区(2%)和捐款抵税(1%)资格。其余政党得票均低于1%。
区域和原住民立委:民进党38席,国民党41席(计入两名无党籍*)。其余政党无人胜选。县市分布为:(朝-野)
台北市3-5、新北市6-6、桃园市0-6、台中市2-6、台南市6-0、高雄市8-0;基隆市1-0、新竹市0-1、新竹县0-2、苗栗县0-2、彰化县3-1、南投县0-2、云林县1-1、嘉义市1-0、嘉义县2-0、屏东县2-0,宜兰县1-0、花莲县0-1、台东县0-1;澎湖县1-0、金门县0-1、连江县0-1,平地原住民1-2、山地原住民1-2。
加上按政党票分配(民进13、国民13、民众8)的不分区立委,最终国会席位为:国民党52席+2无党籍、民进党51席、民众党8席,呈“三党不过半”“朝小野大”局面。
(中央选举委员会,区域立委分布图:公视)
*苗栗县陈超明(涉SOGO贪污案上诉中,停止国民党籍)山地原住民高金素梅(在国会参加国民党团)
TomBen’s Web Excursions
柴静访谈贺卫方:没有独立的司法,没有一个人是安全的 https://youtube.com/watch?v=ksQyUSaG2oI
江平等十三位长者关于冰点事件的联合声明
言论自由的意义不在于保守固有文明,而在于能够导向不断的创新。取消言论自由注定会妨害创造力的发挥,因而应当尽快立法,扩大公民的自由权利,保护媒体的言论自由,促进国家的进步兴旺,推动社会的健康发展。
https://www.chinesepen.org/old-posts/?p=39258
言论自由的意义不在于保守固有文明,而在于能够导向不断的创新。取消言论自由注定会妨害创造力的发挥,因而应当尽快立法,扩大公民的自由权利,保护媒体的言论自由,促进国家的进步兴旺,推动社会的健康发展。
https://www.chinesepen.org/old-posts/?p=39258
The Nobel Peace Prize 2021 was awarded jointly to Maria Ressa and Dmitry Andreyevich Muratov “for their efforts to safeguard freedom of expression, which is a precondition for democracy and lasting peace”.
https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/2021/summary/
https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/2021/summary/
22 year olds are now as good as 28 year olds because they’re more at ease using AI.
This is indeed what I anticipated AI could achieve in early 2023.
https://twitter.com/paulg/status/1746626025964875965
This is indeed what I anticipated AI could achieve in early 2023.
https://twitter.com/paulg/status/1746626025964875965
X (formerly Twitter)
Paul Graham (@paulg) on X
Learned something interesting from the CEO of a fairly big tech co. Usually 28 year olds are more productive programmers than 22 year olds, because they have more experience. But apparently 22 year olds are now as good as 28 year olds because they're more…
Worse than Hitler and Nazi Germany: Swiss Diplomats and the Cultural Revolution
This article relies on reports written by Swiss diplomats during the Cultural Revolution in Beijing to discuss how they experienced the Cultural Revolution, and how the violence and chaos that they witnessed in 1966 and 1967 affected their mental health.
Switzerland’s importance as a hub for China in Western Europe meant that the Swiss diplomats were not harmed by the Red Guards. As a result, the Swiss diplomats gained a unique perspective among Beijing’s foreign diplomats, observing and documenting the Cultural Revolution in fascinating detail in their reports to Bern.
However, while they were protected from outright violence, they struggled with the helplessness they felt in the face of Red Guard brutality, being forced to witness the suffering of their colleagues and employees, traumatizing some of them to such an extent that they had to leave Beijing.
Knüsel, Ariane. 2024. “Worse than Hitler and Nazi Germany: Swiss Diplomats and the Cultural Revolution.” Journal of Chinese History 中國歷史學刊 8 (1): 73–94. https://doi.org/10.1017/jch.2022.13.
多年以后,如果某国驻华使领馆外交文件解密,也许我们可以从另一个视角看到他们在新冠三年(2020–2022)的遭遇。
This article relies on reports written by Swiss diplomats during the Cultural Revolution in Beijing to discuss how they experienced the Cultural Revolution, and how the violence and chaos that they witnessed in 1966 and 1967 affected their mental health.
Switzerland’s importance as a hub for China in Western Europe meant that the Swiss diplomats were not harmed by the Red Guards. As a result, the Swiss diplomats gained a unique perspective among Beijing’s foreign diplomats, observing and documenting the Cultural Revolution in fascinating detail in their reports to Bern.
However, while they were protected from outright violence, they struggled with the helplessness they felt in the face of Red Guard brutality, being forced to witness the suffering of their colleagues and employees, traumatizing some of them to such an extent that they had to leave Beijing.
Knüsel, Ariane. 2024. “Worse than Hitler and Nazi Germany: Swiss Diplomats and the Cultural Revolution.” Journal of Chinese History 中國歷史學刊 8 (1): 73–94. https://doi.org/10.1017/jch.2022.13.
多年以后,如果某国驻华使领馆外交文件解密,也许我们可以从另一个视角看到他们在新冠三年(2020–2022)的遭遇。
Cambridge Core
Worse than Hitler and Nazi Germany: Swiss Diplomats and the Cultural Revolution | Journal of Chinese History 中國歷史學刊 | Cambridge…
Worse than Hitler and Nazi Germany: Swiss Diplomats and the Cultural Revolution - Volume 8 Issue 1
缅怀晓宏|陈朗:请君重作醉歌行
我曾经也是多么地热爱哲学和理论。如果我们不结婚,我是否能更好地欣赏他的思想和行动?我想起小孩因为新冠停学在家的时候,我在家里疲惫不堪,他在网上挥斥方遒。国家、革命、现代性,和我又有什么关系呢?他和他的朋友们聊女性主义的时候,我心中冷笑。
他可能没有好好想过,历史上的多数学术大师们背后恐怕不是殷实的家底,就是甘心情愿伺候他们、为他们奉献一生的女人们。
我曾经也是多么地热爱哲学和理论。如果我们不结婚,我是否能更好地欣赏他的思想和行动?我想起小孩因为新冠停学在家的时候,我在家里疲惫不堪,他在网上挥斥方遒。国家、革命、现代性,和我又有什么关系呢?他和他的朋友们聊女性主义的时候,我心中冷笑。
他可能没有好好想过,历史上的多数学术大师们背后恐怕不是殷实的家底,就是甘心情愿伺候他们、为他们奉献一生的女人们。
Telegraph
缅怀晓宏|陈朗:请君重作醉歌行
缅怀晓宏 (1978-2023) 编者按:2023年12月12日,密西根大学社会学系助理教授徐晓宏在美国因病医治无效逝世,时年45岁。徐晓宏是历史社会学、政治社会学、文化社会学和中国研究领域极具天赋的学者,是中国改革开放年代成长起来、2000年以后出国求学一代中的杰出代表,也是时间社的主要发起人与领导者之一。为了弘扬他的学术遗产,时间社同仁将在中英文学术界组织和推动一系列活动,其中包括(但不仅限于)在公号的“缅怀晓宏”专题发布晓宏的文章和学术同仁的缅怀文章。 这篇纪念文章的作者是陈朗博士(晓宏夫人)。陈…
TomBen’s Web Excursions
缅怀晓宏|陈朗:请君重作醉歌行 我曾经也是多么地热爱哲学和理论。如果我们不结婚,我是否能更好地欣赏他的思想和行动?我想起小孩因为新冠停学在家的时候,我在家里疲惫不堪,他在网上挥斥方遒。国家、革命、现代性,和我又有什么关系呢?他和他的朋友们聊女性主义的时候,我心中冷笑。 他可能没有好好想过,历史上的多数学术大师们背后恐怕不是殷实的家底,就是甘心情愿伺候他们、为他们奉献一生的女人们。
之前我看了徐晓宏的同事张杨缅怀他的 文章,尽管惋惜于这样一位优秀学者的陨落,但也隐约有一种「过于用力」的感觉。读了徐晓宏妻子陈朗的文章,这种感觉更加明显了。
Telegraph
张扬|向晓宏告别
徐晓宏
Hung, Chang-tai. 2021. Politics of Control: Creating Red Culture in the Early People’s Republic of China. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.
Using a unique interdisciplinary, cultural-institutional analysis, Politics of Control is the first comprehensive study of how, in the early decades of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party reshaped people’s minds using multiple methods of control. With newly available archival material, internal circulars, memoirs, interviews, and site visits, the book explores the fascinating world of mass media, book publishing, education, religion, parks, museums, and architecture during the formative years of the republic.
Using a unique interdisciplinary, cultural-institutional analysis, Politics of Control is the first comprehensive study of how, in the early decades of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party reshaped people’s minds using multiple methods of control. With newly available archival material, internal circulars, memoirs, interviews, and site visits, the book explores the fascinating world of mass media, book publishing, education, religion, parks, museums, and architecture during the formative years of the republic.
UH Press
Politics of Control: Creating Red Culture in the Early People’s Republic of China
Using a unique interdisciplinary, cultural-institutional analysis, Politics of Control is the first comprehensive study of how, in the early decades of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese C…
近日,网传温州红十字会一女孩怒怼省厅领导。据称因发材料时被领导骂「没脑子」,她打电话过去被拒接,于是旋即在浙政钉上连发语音直接怒怼,教对方如何好好说话。
https://fxtwitter.com/whyyoutouzhele/status/1748301867518513637
值得注意的是,画面中的猫猫头并非李老师所加,而是原抖音视频中的。
https://fxtwitter.com/whyyoutouzhele/status/1748301867518513637
值得注意的是,画面中的猫猫头并非李老师所加,而是原抖音视频中的。
FxTwitter / FixupX
李老师不是你老师 (@whyyoutouzhele)
00后再度整顿职场
近日,网传温州红十字会一女孩怒怼省厅领导
据称因发材料时被领导骂“没脑子”,她打电话过去被拒接,于是旋即在浙政钉上连发语音直接怒怼,教对方如何好好说话
“哪里有问题就说...给你脸了...你是什么档次?
不知道谁惯的你们,这么一大把年级一点礼貌都没有”
目前该视频被全网删除
近日,网传温州红十字会一女孩怒怼省厅领导
据称因发材料时被领导骂“没脑子”,她打电话过去被拒接,于是旋即在浙政钉上连发语音直接怒怼,教对方如何好好说话
“哪里有问题就说...给你脸了...你是什么档次?
不知道谁惯的你们,这么一大把年级一点礼貌都没有”
目前该视频被全网删除
Some apps from indie developers will be available until March in the China App Store.
You can register a non-China Apple ID or download non-App Store versions by Sindre Sorhus at https://sindresorhus.com/apps
You can register a non-China Apple ID or download non-App Store versions by Sindre Sorhus at https://sindresorhus.com/apps
Sindresorhus
Apps — Sindre Sorhus
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