这是单建伟先生英文原文中的描写。

Shan, Weijian. 2019. Out of the Gobi: My Story of China and America. Hoboken: Wiley. https://www.wiley.com/Out+of+the+Gobi:+My+Story+of+China+and+America-p-9781119529491

这个米老鼠的广告真可爱

https://twitter.com/MOFBACN/status/1702843859162865982

出自申报（上海）1934 年 2 月 9 日第 14 版的广告

https://archive.org/details/shenbao-1934.02-37

Stephen R. Mackinnon 总结了 20 世纪 30 年代中国新闻行业的 4 个特征：

- 盈利性企业办报
- 有政治势力的资助
- 与西方的共生关系
- 受国家的审查和宣传

作者认为 20 世纪 90 年代的中国和 30 年代类似，是一个言论和新闻相对自由的时代。那么今天和哪个时代类似呢？

Mackinnon, Stephen R. 1997. “Toward a History of the Chinese Press in the Republican Period.” Modern China 23 (1): 3–32. https://doi.org/10.1177/009770049702300101.

With this year’s OS updates, users will be able to share entire sets of passwords with friends, family, and other trusted users. That’s a big deal because, in prior OS versions, that limitation was one of the most common reasons why many of our readers are still using a third-party password manager.

From ‘I Do’ To Divorce: The Glamour of Chinese Wedding Photos

https://radii.co/article/chinese-wedding-photos

有学生致电运营商询问为什么不在西安信息职业大学建立基站，得到的答复是：校长认为建基站破坏风水，一直不允许运营商在学校里建基站。

https://fxtwitter.com/whyyoutouzhele/status/1703753934563602621

光绪十五年十二月初八日（1889 年 12 月 29 日），曾纪泽致盛宣怀函：吾华开矿较西人为难者，厥有二端：一曰股本难集；一曰风水难避。斡旋于二难之中，使公私交利，是在仁人君子神而明之耳。

陈旭麓, 顾廷龙, and 汪熙, eds. 1984. 盛宣怀档案资料选辑之四：汉冶萍公司（一）. 上海: 上海人民出版社. p. 9.

Emoji Kitchen

https://www.google.com/search?q=Emoji%20Kitchen

China’s Language Police

The state language policies that produce this hierarchy are undergirded by the philosophy that Chinese identity, including the language that represents it, should be unified, homogenous, and intrinsically tied to the Chinese state.

From yearly “promote Mandarin week” events in local schools, where schoolchildren happily declare “Speak Mandarin, build the China dream together,” to provincial governments banning the use of local languages in administrative offices, to senior party leaders admonishing cadres whose Mandarin is “deficient,” government actors at all levels have taken this directive to heart in big and small ways. Eleven years later, the effects of this policy are increasingly obvious. Surveys across China increasingly show that the number of people who can speak local languages other than Mandarin is dwindling quickly.

For languages spoken by people who are not Han, China’s ethnic majority, the situation is even more dire.

These crackdowns are, on their own, a portent of the ways in which the Chinese state seeks to extend the hegemony of Mandarin. Yet they represent only a small part of how the state has sought to force China’s languages into a clear hierarchy.

Language is an integral part of who people are. When a powerful institution narrows where and how they can use it, as the Chinese state has been doing in the past decade, it stifles their ability to express themselves in complex, deeply human ways.

禁止非馆方人员讲解展览内容

Too young, too simple, sometimes naive…

https://fxtwitter.com/yun__xie/status/1705585137709175202

Underrepresented Outperformers: Female Legislators in the Chinese Congress

本文是系统探讨全国人民代表大会女性代表政治行为的首篇研究之一。在第十二届全国人大中，女性代表仅占 23% 的席位，但她们发起的议案占总数的 44%。其中与妇女权益相关的议案，超过一半都由女性代表发起。在议案牵头人中，女性代表提出的议案数量（4.8 项）比男性代表（3.1 项）更多。我们提出了两种机制来解释女性代表的积极发声：（一）女性比男性更具合作精神；（二）女性领导的存在鼓励了女性代表参与。我们对全部 2,366 项议案的分析表明：女性代表在所有议题领域的活跃度都高于男性，在女性权益相关议题上表现尤为突出。我们的发现表明，在威权立法机构中，女性虽然是代表性不足的权力边缘的小众群体，但可以凸显自己的声音，甚至超过权力核心中的群体，并在一定程度上塑造政策方向。

To cite this article: Feng, Xinrui, Yue Hou, and Mingxing Liu. 2023. “Underrepresented Outperformers: Female Legislators in the Chinese Congress.” The China Quarterly, September, 1–16. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741023001157.

《康熙来了》采访伍佰那一期，节目组问他最近在读什么书，他就把近期读的书都带来了。

蔡康永说这些都是历史类的书，会对你的音乐创作有启发吗？

伍佰说，音乐没那么重要，你应该把你的人生和思考放在最前面。 source

找到了这期节目，在第 40:55 处

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WABVSKpDJr4&t=2455s

Will Chinese Elites Ever Support Democracy?

There will be more purges in the future. This is a feature, not a bug, of the country’s system, and one day, it just might serve as a motivation for political change in Beijing.

Yet the famous “veil of ignorance” thought experiment proposed by political philosopher John Rawls suggests that there is, in fact, an argument for democracy that might appeal to Chinese elites.

In Rawls’s influential book A Theory of Justice, an individual is assumed to be rational, self-interested, and unconcerned about the welfare of others. Under what circumstances, Rawls asks, would this individual choose to organize society in a way that can be considered “just”? The answer: when the individual is denied knowledge of their social status in that society.

Citing a 2011 Forbes article that quoted Chinese media, Rachman noted that 72 Chinese billionaires had died prematurely in the eight years prior: 14 had been executed, 15 had been murdered, 17 had died by suicide, seven had died from accidents, and 19 had died from diseases.

Overnight, a tormentor can turn into one who is tormented, as a famous Chinese legend illustrates.

Now, the saying “Please kindly step into the jar” is used to illustrate the boomerang character of Chinese justice. 请君入瓮

In the wise words of a Chinese proverb, “accompanying the king is like accompanying a tiger.” 伴君如伴虎

When you hear Chinese officials criticizing the individual rights of the West, you can safely bet that they are enjoying plenty of individual rights themselves.

The Chinese system does confer rights in great abundance, but one must have power to access those rights.

The Chinese system does confer rights in great abundance, but one must have power to access those rights. A motivation to reform the system is to recognize the precariousness of that arrangement.

One can only hope that the wholesale assault on the Chinese elites under Xi may create a similar moment to the one after the Cultural Revolution. In this scenario, more people, including those currently in positions of power, would hopefully come around to the view that placing limitations on power is an act of self-preservation—and that granting all the power to a single ruler, or to one part of the state, is inherently dangerous.

简单来说，作者黄亚生认为，当今中国的精英们陷入了「人人自危」的境地之中，今天还是大权在握的高官，明天就可能成为阶下囚。在一个充满不确定性的体系之中，这种不安可能会使得政治精英们寻求变革。由于「不知道明天和意外哪个先来」，人们一般会选择买份保险，而作者认为，对中国的政治精英们来说，民主就是这样一份保险。真的会是这样的吗？

本文节选和改编自作者不久前出版的书籍：Huang, Yasheng. 2023. The Rise and Fall of the EAST: How Exams, Autocracy, Stability, and Technology Brought China Success, and Why They Might Lead to Its Decline. New Haven: Yale University Press. https://www.amazon.com/Rise-Fall-EAST-Autocracy-Technology/dp/0300266367

Tangled Tales of a Traumatic Time

The Cultural Revolution has taken on an added timeliness since Xi, the first paramount leader to grow up in the Mao era (he was born in 1953), took power. Some Cultural Revolution events probably played formative roles in shaping Xi’s personality.

Tales of his life are meant to show that he suffered during the Cultural Revolution, as so many did, but that this strengthened him in the end. Xi’s ‘story’ was ‘potent in an age where the gulfs between town and country, rulers and ruled, had expanded so fast’.

Branigan, Tania. 2023. Red Memory: The Afterlives of China’s Cultural Revolution. London: Faber. https://www.faber.co.uk/product/9781783352647-red-memory/.

What China’s Slowdown Really Means for the West

Economists and even Chinese policy makers have warned for years that the China model was fundamentally flawed and would inevitably break down. But Xi was too consumed with shoring up his own power to undertake the necessary reforms to fix it. Now the problems run so deep, and the repairs would be so costly, that the time for a turnaround may have passed.

For this reason, economic weakness could make China’s leaders all the more dangerous—more prone to champion nationalist causes and stumble into foreign adventures, such as a military grab for Taiwan. One can only hope that Xi will look to history and realize that a nation’s power can be projected only as far as its economic strength allows.

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2023/09/china-economy-slowdown-xi-jinping/675236/

It's Okay to Make Something Nobody Wants

you create something not because “I think they might need this,” but because “I find this so fucking interesting.” Then, when others use your product, they feel the same emotions you did, and they say, “I find this so fucking interesting.”

I think it’s okay to make something that nobody wants. All you need to do is to make sure you’ve fully expressed your emotions in this product.

In simpler terms, people can’t make something they don’t like and hope others will like it.

https://zhangluyao.com/blog/make-something-nobody-wants/